About 15 years ago, on December 5, 2010, a historian writing for TomDispatch made a bold prediction. Contrary to the common belief that U.S. global supremacy would continue until 2040 or 2050, he suggested that “the demise of the United States as the global superpower could come… in 2025, just 15 years from now.”
This forecast was based on what the historian described as “a more realistic assessment of domestic and global trends.” He pointed out that with the U.S. appearing weaker, nations such as China, India, Iran, and Russia would likely start to “provocatively challenge U.S. dominion over the oceans, space, and cyberspace.” Domestically, he anticipated that internal divisions would “widen into violent clashes and divisive debates…,” leading to the rise of a far-right leader who would seize the presidency with aggressive, nationalistic rhetoric, demanding global respect for American authority while threatening military or economic retaliation. He concluded, however, that “the world pays next to no attention as the American Century ends in silence.”
Now, with Donald J. Trump, a figure fitting the historian’s description of a “far-right patriot,” having secured the presidency once more with his forceful rhetoric, it’s critical to consider whether Trump’s second term, commencing in the pivotal year of 2025, could indeed abruptly conclude the “American Century” of U.S. dominance, whether quietly or not.
Making the Original Prediction
Let’s revisit the rationale behind my initial prediction. (Yes, I am that historian.) In 2010, America seemed invincible, both domestically and internationally. The Obama administration seemed to herald a “post-racial” America. The nation was recovering from the 2008 financial crisis, with robust growth projected for the next decade—industries from automotive to technology were booming, and the stock market was thriving.
Globally, the U.S. was viewed as the supreme power, with unmatched military might, significant diplomatic influence, and a leading role in pushing forward economic globalization. Democracy, American-style, was the world’s standard.
At that time, prominent historians of empires believed the U.S. would remain the sole superpower for years to come. Yale professor Paul Kennedy in 2002 described America’s power as “staggering,” unmatched in world history. Russia’s economy was struggling, and China, though growing, was not expected to challenge U.S. dominance until at least 2032.
However, when I made my contrasting prediction in 2010, coordinating a network of 140 historians studying the decline of empires like Britain and Spain, we saw underlying signs of decay. Economic globalization was undermining well-paying industrial jobs in the U.S., income inequality was widening, and reckless military ventures in Iraq and Afghanistan were eroding public support for international engagements.
By 2010, the relative economic strength of the U.S. had declined significantly from its post-World War II peak. China, with rapid economic growth and the world’s longest imperial history, appeared ready to challenge U.S. dominance. Yet, Washington’s elites, confident in their ability to shape China via instruments like the World Trade Organization, underestimated this possibility.
Our group of historians, studying the frequent wars between rising and declining powers, anticipated China’s challenge would soon materialize. Indeed, by 2012, U.S. intelligence already warned that China could surpass the U.S. economically before 2030, signaling the end of American hegemony. By 2013, China, flush with cash, launched the massive Belt and Road Initiative, aiming to reorient the global economic landscape around Beijing.
In the subsequent decade, the U.S.-China rivalry intensified significantly, confirming our earlier predictions.
The Global Rise of the Strongman
Another significant challenge to the U.S.-led world order came from the rise of populist strongmen globally, a reaction to aggressive Western-led economic globalization. After the Cold War, the U.S. used its unrivaled power to push for a deregulated global economy, inadvertently setting the stage for China’s industrial ascent, which in turn contributed to economic dislocation and a populist backlash across the U.S. and Europe.
This wave of populism brought to power authoritarian leaders in countries including Russia, Turkey, and the Philippines, each marked by a mix of nationalist rhetoric and generally poor governance. These leaders, despite their fiery speeches, often presided over economic mismanagement and political repression.
Prospects for Donald Trump’s Second Term
As America enters what might be a more ordinary phase, distanced from its “exceptional” status, it is increasingly susceptible to global trends toward authoritarianism. This shift helps explain both Trump’s initial rise to power and his subsequent reelection. His upcoming term may profoundly impact both U.S. domestic policies and its global standing.
Trump’s environmental policies, particularly his skepticism of climate change, could significantly harm both the U.S. economy and its international leadership role. His commitment to boosting fossil fuel production and his reluctance to embrace renewable energy sources could leave U.S. industry less competitive as the rest of the world moves toward more cost-effective energy solutions.
Furthermore, Trump’s proposed tariffs could damage the U.S. economy by hampering exports and increasing the cost of imports, leading to higher inflation and reduced consumer spending. His approach to foreign policy, especially his intentions to negotiate an end to the Ukraine conflict and his ambiguous stance on defending Taiwan, could weaken U.S. alliances and encourage adversarial actions by nations like Russia and China.
America’s Allies
Trump’s skepticism of international alliances, particularly NATO, could undermine these critical relationships. His previous criticisms and potential policy shifts could weaken NATO’s mutual defense tenet, central to its power. In Asia, his unpredictable approach might destabilize relationships with key allies, affecting U.S. influence in the region.
A Silent U.S. Recessional
The cumulative effect of Trump’s policies, should they be implemented as indicated, would likely accelerate American decline, diminish its global leadership, and possibly lead to greater internal strife. This aligns with my prediction from 2010 that the American Century might end quietly, with the world barely taking notice as U.S. authority wanes and it potentially resorts to threats rather than cooperative leadership on the global stage.
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